Dear
friends,
During
the past
week or
so, the
international
community
has
denounced
Thailand’s
September
19 coup
d’ état.
The
European
Union
condemned
it,
while
Kofi
Annnand,
UN
Secretary-General,
said the
coup
should
not be
sanctioned.
Tony
Snow,
White
House
Spokesman,
declared
US
disappointment
and
entreated
the
military
to call
a
general
election
as soon
as
possible.
Without
exception,
global
leaders
have
held the
coup to
be evil
and
democratically
unacceptable.
In
Thailand,
however,
a nation-wide
poll
found
that
83.98 %
of Thais
agreed
with the
coup.
Though
most
Thai
academics
disagreed
in
principle
with the
coup,
most
admitted
it was
the best
solution
for the
chaos
that has
disrupted
Thai
society
over the
past
year.
The coup
also
ended
Thaksinocracy,
a
disguised
form of
dictatorship
that
claimed
legitimacy
from its
majority
vote.
Had
there
been no
coup,
the Thai
Rak Thai
could
have
held
power
for many
more
years,
something
many
Thais
held to
be
disastrous
for
Thailand.
I will
not
judge
the coup
as right
or
wrong.
However,
I want
to point
to a
more
important
consideration.
“Is
democracy
a means
or an
end?”
Socrates,
Plato,
Aristotle,
John
Locke,
Thomas
Hobbes
and
other
philosophers
viewed
government
as a
means to
building
a state
that
would
bring
people
happiness
and
ensure
their
well-being.
They
argued
that the
purpose
of good
government
is to
create a
just,
morally
upright
society.
They
viewed
democracy
as a
means to
reaching
this end
rather
than an
end in
itself.
Historically,
democracy
has done
this. It
has
proven
itself
superior
to
monarchy,
soft
authoritarianism,
and
tyranny.
When
democracy
triumphed
after
communism’s
collapse
and the
break-up
of the
USSR, it
brought
worldwide
acceptance
of
democracy
as the
best of
all
government
regimes
and
democracy
then
became
an end
in
itself.
It
could be
said
that
democracy
is not
the best
system,
but it
is the
least
evil
among
all
government
systems
that
exist in
the
world.
Democracy
in
Thailand
over the
past
five
years
gives
one
clear
piece of
evidence,
however,
that
there
are
flaws in
the
democratic
system.
Thaksin’s
government
used a
strong
majority
to
become
an
authoritarian
power.
It
fostered
the
centralization
of power,
engage
in crony
capitalism,
intervene
in
public
inquiries,
censor
the
media,
and
obfuscate
questionable
administrative
tactics.
Also,
Thaksin
attempted
to
muster
even
more
power by
appointing
friends
to
important
positions.
New
populist
policies
were
continuously
released,
most
without
proper
consideration
of their
long-term
consequences.
Long-term
sustainability
was
ignored.
In
January
2006, 48
hours
after
Parliament
passed a
new
telecommunications
law, the
largest
telecommunications
company,
belonging
to
Thaksin
family,
sold its
shares
to a
foreign
company
for $1.8
billion
Baht.
The new
law
allowed
the
Thaksin
family
to avoid
paying
taxes on
the
sale.
Eventually
100,000
people
gathered
to
protest
this
injustice
and to
call for
Thaksin’s
resignation.
But
their
attempt
was
ineffective.
Instead
of
resigning,
Thaksin
dissolved
the
House of
Representatives,
confident
that his
party
would
again
win a
majority.
If Thai
people
had seen
democracy
as a
mere
ends in
itself,
these
protests
could
have led
to
bloodshed,
or else
could
have
been
destroyed
by the
power
that
claimed
legitimacy
through
a
majority
of
votes.
Thaksin
regime
would
have
then
lived on
for
decades,
even
beyond
the
coming
era;
possibly
leaving
Thailand
as the
Philippines
were
under
Marcos,
“The
Sick Man
of Asia,”
after
more
than 22
years of
crony
capitalism.
Therefore,
we
should
not look
at
Democracy
as an
end but
as a
means to
a
desirable
end.
Because
democracy
was
unable
to
overthrow
Thaksinocracy,
a
different
means
was
needed.
Even
though
the coup
violated
principles
of
democracy,
it can
be used
to bring
democracy
back to
the Thai
people.
No doubt,
this
military
coup
violates
the law.
However,
if the
military’s
motivation
is not
to hold
the
power
for
itself
and if
the
military
leaders
are
genuinely
interested
in
restoring
the well-being
of the
people
and the
country,
should
not
their
exertion
be
accepted
? If
this
intervention
is
viewed
as a
means
that
will
destroy
a regime
that
hindered
Thailand
from
reaching
a
desirable
end,
should
the
military
be
condemned?
Nevertheless,
democracy
is still
accepted
and
desirable
in
Thailand.
The
military
has
promised
that it
will
return
power to
the
people
as soon
as
possible.
If it
does not
keep its
words,
the Thai
people
will
demand
that the
promise
be
fulfilled,
as they
did in
the May
1992
tragedy.
However,
whether
the coup
d’etat
in
Thailand
should
be
accepted
or
condemned
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